The Origins of the Russian Civil War by Geoffrey Swain

Author:Geoffrey Swain [Swain, Geoffrey]
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 9780582059689
Publisher: TaylorFrancis
Published: 1996-09-15T00:00:00+00:00

This proposal was forwarded by Lockhart on 15 April 1918, received in London on 20 April 1918 and discussed in cabinet on 22 April 1918. After some debate that paragraph four might tie Britain to the impossible task of recovering all the territory Russia had lost, it was agreed to send Lockhart the following reply:

I think suggestions of military representatives may well serve as a basis for discussion. As far as HMG are concerned, two, four, and six can be accepted as they stand. We have always considered Russia as our ally, and word ‘re-affirmation’ should therefore be substituted for ‘renewal’ in one. As three stands at present, it might in certain conceivable circumstances conflict with two. I therefore prefer ‘loyal co-operation with Russian authorities against common enemy’. In order to give requisite military latitude, five should be amended as follows: ‘Allies should declare that operating forces will cross Siberia solely for the purpose of carrying out military operations against the enemy.’ If by help on Murman and Archangel railways aid given by ships and by marines landed from them is meant, seven can remain unchanged; but employment of troops must necessarily be subject to military exigencies, as must also acceptance of eight. We are, however, most anxious to help in both cases.38

While this exchange of telegrams was underway, Trotsky was keen to get the talks going and clarify their parameters. In a conversation with Lockhart, summarized to London on 19 April 1918, Trotsky wanted to know if he would be talking to the British alone or the Allies as a whole, and where they would be held. He felt Noulens’ attitude was unhelpful, and therefore suggested that the talks should not be held in Vologda; since Mirbach was about to arrive in Moscow, time was pressing and he needed to know when the Allies could act.39

Lockhart was not starry-eyed about the chances of the talks resulting in the Allies being formally invited to send a force to Russia. On 21 April 1918 he telegraphed that there was a ‘fair chance’ of such an invitation from Trotsky being received, ‘although I am not so optimistic as the French or Italian generals on this point’. The enthusiasm of the French military representative Lavergne was tempered by the continuing caution of Noulens, who felt that the sending of a mission should not be dependent on a formal invitation from the Bolsheviks; the Allies should force the issue by landing anyway. A visit by Lavergne to Vologda did nothing to soften Noulens’ position, but when Lockhart, Lavergne and the Italian and American representatives met on 29 April 1918, they re-affirmed their support for the pro-Trotsky policy despite Noulens’ views. Lockhart had reassured London the previous day that Foreign Affairs Commissar Chicherin was ‘as anxious as ever’ to reach an agreement, despite the arrival in Moscow on 26 April 1918 of the German ambassador Mirbach.40

British enthusiasm for the enterprise soon brought Noulens into line. On 5 May 1918 Lockhart reported ‘much improved’ relations with

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